A History of English: Volume I: From Proto-Indo-European to by Donald Ringe

By Donald Ringe

This publication is the 1st on the grounds that 1897 to explain the earliest reconstructable phases of the prehistory of English. It outlines the grammar of Proto-Indo-European, considers the alterations through which one dialect of that prehistoric language built into Proto-Germanic, and offers an in depth account of the grammar of Proto-Germanic. the 1st quantity in Don Ringe's A Linguistic historical past of English could be of vital curiosity to all students and scholars of comparative Indo-European and Germanic linguistics, the historical past of English, and ancient linguists. the subsequent quantity will ponder the improvement of Proto-Germanic into outdated English. next volumes will describe the attested background of English from the outdated English interval to the current.

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G. *h2ek´ - ‘sharp’ and *h2e´ws-es-‘ear’; *h2k´ h2ows-ie´/o´- ‘be sharp-eared’ *po´rh2o- ‘passage, crossing’ *porh2e-ye´/o´- ‘bring across, convey’ (note the e-grade nominal stem vowel before the present-stem suYx); Proto-Indo-European 29 . g. *prkto-ye´/o´˚ ‘frighten’ *prk-to´- ‘afraid’ (note the o-grade vowel before the suYx). ˚ There were far fewer types of aorists; the following are reconstructable. Athematic aorists: . g. *gwe´m- $ *gwm- ‘step’, *bhuh2- ‘become’; ˚ . g. *de¯´yk´ -s- $ *de´yk´ -s- ‘point out’, *we¯´g´h-s- $ *we´g´h-s‘transport in a vehicle’.

Once again, the dual endings are not reconstructable because Greek and Indo-Iranian disagree. 4 (ii) ); present and aorist mediopassive participles ended in a suYx *-mh1no´-. Not surprisingly, the perfect participle exhibited a diVerent suYx *-wos- $ *-us-. An inWnitive suYx *-dhyo¯y or *-dhyoey, likewise aYxed to aspect-stems, is reconstructable, but not much is known about its distribution, since it survives only in the Indo-Iranian subfamily and in Umbrian (see Rix 1976b); possibly it was suYxed only to present stems.

Acc. of neuter collectives; for instance, **ph2te´rs ‘father’ > *ph2te¯´r (the reconstructable form). A word-Wnal *-n that arose by this process was subsequently dropped, at least if the preceding segment was (unaccented) *o¯ (cf. JasanoV Proto-Indo-European 21 2002: 34–5); thus **te´tk´ ons ‘craftsman’ > **te´k´ tso¯n > *te´k´ tso¯. We know that these rules had already been morphologized in PIE because (a) the resulting long vowel had begun to spread to other nom. sg. g. *po¯´ds ‘foot’), and (b) word-Wnal sonorants other than *-n were sometimes dropped in nom.

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