By Donald Ringe
This publication is the 1st on the grounds that 1897 to explain the earliest reconstructable phases of the prehistory of English. It outlines the grammar of Proto-Indo-European, considers the alterations through which one dialect of that prehistoric language built into Proto-Germanic, and offers an in depth account of the grammar of Proto-Germanic. the 1st quantity in Don Ringe's A Linguistic historical past of English could be of vital curiosity to all students and scholars of comparative Indo-European and Germanic linguistics, the historical past of English, and ancient linguists. the subsequent quantity will ponder the improvement of Proto-Germanic into outdated English. next volumes will describe the attested background of English from the outdated English interval to the current.
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Additional resources for A History of English: Volume I: From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic (A Linguistic History of English)
G. *h2ek´ - ‘sharp’ and *h2e´ws-es-‘ear’; *h2k´ h2ows-ie´/o´- ‘be sharp-eared’ *po´rh2o- ‘passage, crossing’ *porh2e-ye´/o´- ‘bring across, convey’ (note the e-grade nominal stem vowel before the present-stem suYx); Proto-Indo-European 29 . g. *prkto-ye´/o´˚ ‘frighten’ *prk-to´- ‘afraid’ (note the o-grade vowel before the suYx). ˚ There were far fewer types of aorists; the following are reconstructable. Athematic aorists: . g. *gwe´m- $ *gwm- ‘step’, *bhuh2- ‘become’; ˚ . g. *de¯´yk´ -s- $ *de´yk´ -s- ‘point out’, *we¯´g´h-s- $ *we´g´h-s‘transport in a vehicle’.
Once again, the dual endings are not reconstructable because Greek and Indo-Iranian disagree. 4 (ii) ); present and aorist mediopassive participles ended in a suYx *-mh1no´-. Not surprisingly, the perfect participle exhibited a diVerent suYx *-wos- $ *-us-. An inWnitive suYx *-dhyo¯y or *-dhyoey, likewise aYxed to aspect-stems, is reconstructable, but not much is known about its distribution, since it survives only in the Indo-Iranian subfamily and in Umbrian (see Rix 1976b); possibly it was suYxed only to present stems.
Acc. of neuter collectives; for instance, **ph2te´rs ‘father’ > *ph2te¯´r (the reconstructable form). A word-Wnal *-n that arose by this process was subsequently dropped, at least if the preceding segment was (unaccented) *o¯ (cf. JasanoV Proto-Indo-European 21 2002: 34–5); thus **te´tk´ ons ‘craftsman’ > **te´k´ tso¯n > *te´k´ tso¯. We know that these rules had already been morphologized in PIE because (a) the resulting long vowel had begun to spread to other nom. sg. g. *po¯´ds ‘foot’), and (b) word-Wnal sonorants other than *-n were sometimes dropped in nom.