By Evguenia Davidova
Drawing upon formerly unpublished advertisement ledgers and correspondence, this examine deals a collective social biography of 3 generations of Balkan retailers. own money owed humanize multiethnic networks that navigated a number of social structures aiding and opposing numerous elements of nationalist ideologies.
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Additional info for Balkan Transitions to Modernity and Nation-States: Through the Eyes of Three Generations of Merchants (1780s-1890s) (Balkan Studies Library, Book 6)
2, 436–437; Stoianovich, “The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant,” 295–296.
64 A couple of things are worth noting about that order. First, although its author was a Muslim merchant, the letter was written in Bulgarian. Second, it indi cated regular trade and correspondence. It also mentioned the method of payment – the Vratsa merchant should send a “trusted man” to Sofia to receive the money. So, it attested a cash transaction where both the commodity and its monetary equivalent were physically traveling, accom panied by the merchant himself or his representative. Another similar ethnic and linguistic blend presents a partnership between the Jewish merchant Moshe ben-Efraim and the Bulgarian trader Tzoni (or Chokin), according to a contract that ended their partnership in 1811.
Bayly have demonstrated merchants were not 9 Todorov, The Balkan City, 194–195. The view of Turkish laziness permeated nine teenth-century travel literature. G. Muir (Mackenzie) and A. P. Irby, Travels in the Slavonic Provinces of Turkey-in-Europe, vol. , 1877), 141. 10 Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique, 355–356. 11 Masters has also contended that trade was the most accessible way of accumulating wealth in Aleppo but “there was not a true class of merchants” because they diversified their wealth into less risky activities.